Published
By Myrna M. Velasco
Santa’s ‘gifts’ to
consumers came a week late – on New Year’s Day to be exact, and these are not
something that will drive Filipino consumers into a glee of celebrations, but
one that will rip their pockets of perilous cost hikes.
Sure, the Tax Reform
for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Act that was signed by President Rodrigo
Duterte last December promised ‘higher package of exemption’ for individual
wage earners, but any ‘cost offsetting’ calculation to be done could prove that
the policy would be badly suited to consumers’ already high energy bills.
For fuel excise taxes
alone, prices at the pumps had risen by P2.50 per liter for diesel, P2.65 per
liter for gasoline, P3.00 per liter for kerosene, effective January 1; and then
there’s that impending P1.00 per kilogram hike for liquefied petroleum gas
(LPG) – all these with added 12-percent value added tax (VAT) charges.
Under the whole TRAIN
package, diesel excise taxes will rise further by additional P4.50 per liter by
next year and P6.00 per liter to year 2020; gasoline will go up to P9.00 per
liter or an increase of P4.65 in 2019 and will further climb to P10 per liter
in 2020. LPG’s additional tax hike cost impacts will be P2.00 and P3.00 per kg
in years 2019 and 2020, respectively.
The Department of
Finance (DOF) as well as the lawmakers who deliberated on the measure justified
that fuel excise taxes had to be increased because “these have not been
adjusted since 1997,” and such supposedly eroded State revenue collections by
P140 billion per year (as referenced on 2016 pump prices).
What government
policymakers failed to recognize, however, had been the fact that energy taxes
were also raised via the Expanded Value Added Tax (E-VAT) law in 2006 so
revenues could help plug the gaping deficit in the national budget at that
time. That was also the reason why excise taxes in fuel had not been adjusted
previously, to provide room then for higher adjustments in VAT charges.
Beyond tax hikes on
petroleum products, higher coal excise taxes will also be levied at additional
P50 per metric ton this 2018; P100/mt in 2019; and P150/mt in 2020. For this
tax imposition, it is worth noting that coal remains the ‘dominant fuel’
(accounting for an average of 50-percent) in the country’s technology-agnostic
energy mix, as prescribed by the Department of Energy.
Other countries have
been heavily subsidizing their energy sector – despite budgetary pressures
experienced by some. Yet that is a strategy they reckon as one that could help
foreign direct investments (FDIs) size up in their countries, and in turn, for
them to attain inclusive economic growths.
The story of the
Philippine energy sector is an exact reverse to that of its neighbors in
Southeast Asia – that aside from fully reflecting true costs of its energy
services and commodities, these are also heavily taxed – and the consumers are
at the poor end shouldering all of these costs. Singapore’s energy sector, a
more progressive economy than us, is similarly anchored on a “true cost
recovery” mechanism, but their consumers are just paying 9.0-percent goods and
services tax (GST) (going up this year from 7.0-percent in 2017) on their
respective energy usage.
Conversely, Filipino
consumers even with their crumbling purchasing power shall paradoxically endure
higher tax charges and subsidies in their energy bills. According to industry
players, tax components in fuel products could now sum up to 25-percent
overall. Beyond that, they further noted that “fuel price hikes will also have
spiraling effect on transport fares as well as on the cost of basic
commodities.”
In the electric bills,
the total equivalent government charges being shouldered by consumers, for
those catered to by biggest power utility Manila Electric Company (Meralco),
already hover at R1.35 per kilowatt hour (minus yet the higher coal excise
taxes).
Yet sadly, the DOE that
could have taken up the cudgels for energy consumers had not lent even a sober
voice in the TRAIN measure’s deliberations – so far, none that was expressed
publicly.
Inflationary impact
Lest government
policymakers and lawmakers forget, the energy sector is a backbone of every
country’s economy. For many countries that had really advanced and succeeded in
their economic agendas, the basic logic and policy design they had embraced had
been to keep their energy prices as low as possible.
How many times have we
heard that foreign investors, especially those intending to put up
manufacturing facilities in the country, were complaining of high electricity
rates – that’s why they preferred to relocate to other Asian countries? We’ve
already lost some opportunities and we may drive away more with unmanaged
expectations on policy enforcements.
The basic question is:
can the Philippine government not have any more viable sources of funding for
its infrastructure development plan? Without doubt, the government’s goal
is noble, but it must also realize that extremely punishing one core of your
economic backbone – that is the energy sector, could disintegrate the country’s
industrialization goals before it could even take off.
In DOF’s calculation,
inflationary pressures would remain tractable, although it is seen highest for
the transport sector at 2.8-percent; electricity at 0.7-percent and food prices
at 0.73-percent.
Primarily for the hiked
excise tax for diesel, it will have a three-tiered effect on consumers: one,
will be direct with motorists filling up at gas pumps; two, will be the
diesel-fired peaking facilities used on-grid in the country’s power system; and
three, on the universal charge for missionary electricity (UCME) that all
Filipino power consumers have been paying for as subsidy to the Small Power
Utilities Group (SPUG) that are generally leaning on diesel-fired electricity
generating facilities. Diesel is also the replacement fuel for the
1,200-megawatt Ilijan plant every time the Malampaya gas production facility
goes on maintenance shutdown.
As noted by Energy
Secretary Alfonso G. Cusi, “this will definitely increase the subsidy charges
for the SPUG areas,” hence, he promised “we will have to study that.”
Currently, the National Power Corporation (NPC), which is in charge of
extending power services to the SPUG areas, has pending application with the
Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) for P10 billion worth of UCME recoveries
that will have an ‘overall hike effect’ in the charges. So with the swell in
diesel’s excise taxes, subsidy cost recoveries will also escalate.
On top of that, higher
coal excise taxes are also up for enforcements. Senate Committee on Energy
Chairman Sherwin T. Gatchalian estimated that overall cost impact would be
worth P13.2 billion – all ‘pass on’ charges on the consumers’ electric bills.
When it reaches the level of P100/mt, the cost impact to consumers will be at
P0.0478 per kWh.
The lawmaker, who
appeared to be the lone voice in opposing that particular TRAIN provision,
qualified that for energy-intensive industries and even for smaller commercial
and other business establishments, the brunt of higher coal taxes will still
end up financially harrowing to them. And in areas where many marginalized
consumers are served by electric cooperatives (ECs), 27 of these power
utilities have been sourcing 100-percent of their power supply from coal-fired
generating facilities, thus, they will definitely endure the ‘cost sting’ of
higher coal taxes.
Mr. Gatchalian
emphasized that the 27 ECs account for one-fourth of the total electric
cooperatives in the country, thus stressing that “if you look at the number of
household they serve, they serve around 2.7 million households…that is
10-percent of the total households in the entire country.”
On other fuel products,
it is also worth noting that kerosene and LPG are basic household commodities.
Kerosene, in fact, has various uses – that aside from meeting the basic
lighting needs of rural communities, it is commonly used by fisher folks; and
also a base fuel for industries, such as in aviation/airline industry.
With a heavy dose of
‘realpolitik’, the DOF still surmised that the implementation of higher fuel
excise taxes “is wrongly perceived to be anti-poor.” At this juncture though,
it is now up to the affected public to decide.
‘Smorgasbord’ of
policies
In 2017, the DOE had
authored and issued multiplicity of policies, which in the department’s
assessments could draw much-needed investments for the sector – among these
have been the Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) for the renewable energy
sector following Mr. Cusi’s final declaration on the end of the fit-in-tariff
(FIT) regime for the sector; the modified contracting round of upstream
petroleum ventures via the Philippine Conventional Energy Contracting Program
(PCECP); the Philippine Natural Gas Industry Framework; the proposed ‘rectification
measures’ to the Retail Competition and Open Access (RCOA) policy; and most
notably Executive Order No. 30 (EO 30) which targets to streamline permitting
and approval processes for “energy projects of national significance’. Another
one that is a “work in progress’ is the transformational shift of the Wholesale
Electricity Spot Market (WESM) into having an independent market operator
(IMO), a long delayed reform process set out in the Electric Power Industry
Reform Act (EPIRA) and its implementing rules and regulations.
For all the efforts
that had been put into crafting these policies, Mr. Cusi’s team could score a
“high rating’ if writing the rules were the only basis. Nevertheless, the
unpleasant truth had been that many of these policies are actually lacking of
the incentive schemes or viable regulatory frameworks that investors have been
looking for so they can genuinely be enticed to pump in fresh capital in the
country’s energy sector.
Primarily in the
petroleum contracting round, despite what was designed as flexible submission
of ‘unsolicited proposals’ year round, the more basic policy issues that
investors really want resolved are those on the “tax regime’ concerns
precipitated by the Commission on Audit (CoA) case against the contractors
of the Malampaya project; as well as the lifting of the ‘seismic activity and
drilling moratorium’ in what were deemed as ‘conflict areas’ in the West
Philippine Sea, areas that are also known to several investors as ‘highly
viable prospects’. Even additional gas extraction from Malampaya – for its
anticipated life cycle extension of 10 years — is hurdled by the COA case, with
Shell Philippines President Cesar G. Romero sounding off that “it will be
difficult to plan ahead with all these unresolved issues.”
On gas investment
frameworks, prospective developers of the planned LNG terminal as well as
off-taker power projects have been noting the ‘lack of market for capacity’
that will confront them in the coal-dominated energy mix. Additionally, they
have concerns over vague policy prescriptions on fiscal incentives that LNG
projects can avail of, such as those with the Board of Investment (BOI) as well
as the set of duties on importation of equipment, to name a few.
As far as the
advancement of retail competition in the power industry is concerned, the basic
hurdle that both the DOE and ERC must first cast aside is the legal gridlock on
the policy – the temporary restraining order (TRO) that the Supreme Court had
ruled upon when it stopped the policy’s mandatory implementation in February
last year.
On RE investments, the
signed version of the RPS is being counted upon by Mr. Cusi as a measure “that
could deliver the green’ in the fossil fuel-dominated power mix – done by
enforcing 35-percent RE share in the supply portfolio of mandated distribution
utilities (DUs) onward to year 2030, with incremental sourcing kicking off in
year 2020.
The energy chief laid
down the ‘safety nets’ that will protect consumers from RE-induced price hikes:
one, is for RE procurement to comply with the competitive selection process
(CSP) or auction to ensure least cost; and another is the provision on “no
higher rates” dictum.
Nonetheless, several
questions still ‘perturb’ that policy imposition: the first is premised on
assumptions that some DUs may have fully contracted for their requirements
(because of a previously implemented policy also of the DOE), so if that is the
case, will they be forced to contract still for additional RE capacity; second
is on the “no higher rates’ provision – what is the real cost reference to it
and will it yield viable returns to RE investors eventually, primarily if they
will have to compete with cheaper rates of other technologies (i.e. coal) or if
they will match plummeting prices in the WESM now ranging at P2.10 to less than
P3.00 per kWh on average; third is: if the procured RE is of intermittent
nature (i.e. solar and wind), what technologies or supply source can DUs resort
to and how the cost of that technology back-up be factored in into the consumers’
electric bills; and fourth, on questions of some stakeholders on the lack of
technical and economic studies to support the RPS prescriptions, what will hurt
the DOE or the National Renewable Energy Board (NREB) on coming up with one
since the policy will have two-year transition phase anyway (2018 and 2019) and
the RPS Circular also sets review provision – couldn’t it be a better strategy
to prevent palpable blunders rather than just attempt to sort out
investment mess later on?
Isn’t it enough that
the country already had painful and expensive lessons learned in the FIT era of
RE as well as the solar ‘over-development’ in Negros? Bluntly then, despite the
precipitous slide in technology costs of RE in recent years, lacking studies
could still not be afforded as DOE’s or NREB’s “cheat sheet” in this
rule-making exercise – since for sure, even deep-pocketed investors will not
just easily risk money in a market with many undefined investment terrains.
For now though, Mr.
Cusi can just promise that “the RPS for on-grid rules outlined various safety
nets to protect the electricity end-users and to ensure that this new venture
will not result in higher electricity rates.” The question still is: will it
work well enough?
‘EO 30’ and ERC
in doldrums
Malacañang’s
issuance of Executive Order No. 30 (in June 2017) was immensely applauded by
investors in the sector because it heralds a policy regime of drastically
cutting red tape on energy project approvals – it sets off covenant with project
developers that they can secure approvals of their proposed facilities or
ventures in the span of 30 days.
The EO envisioned
that approvals can be facilitated by the creation of the multi-agency Energy
Investment Coordinating Council (EICC) led by the DOE. That was
institutionalized August 4 last year, but the very basic dilemma of EO 30 is
the failure on crafting of its implementing rules and regulations (IRR), that
lingers until now.
Perceptibly, not
everything is hunky dory on this domain – it is even ironic that while the
policy promises ‘drastically streamlined project approval processes’, it now
transcended that “ano ang hinihintay mo Pasko” witticism thrown against it when
it comes to the lengthy timeframe of its IRR crafting. Six months after, the
investors’ rib-tickler to it is that it may have already started gathering
dusts in DOE’s policy writing nooks.
In several forums, Mr.
Cusi gave word that EO 30 will help facilitate processes for energy investors.
That as a given, it is time for him then to take that policy off the ground,
not in the near future but now!
Beyond that, the
mayhem that afflicted the ERC just before the Christmas holidays added up to
the industry’s troubles. While already reeling from backlogs of cases that
could compromise P1.588 trillion worth of power investments, an order of the
Office of the Ombudsman suspending four of its sitting Commissioners for one
year without pay came as another crushing round for the sector’s regulating
agency.
Despairingly, ERC
Chairperson Agnes T. Devanadera warned that “the debilitating impact of the
Ombudsman decision to suspend the four incumbent ERC Commissioners will render
the operations of the agency in severe paralysis,” adding that “as a collegial
body, the presence of at least three (3) members of the Commission is needed to
constitute a quorum to enable the ERC to adopt any ruling, order, resolution,
decision or other acts of the Commission.”
The New Year ushers in
renewed hope, and in an industry still blighted by multiple sets of messy
events and policy deficiencies, the recycled ‘wish list’ of players in the
industry could still be “stronger, clearer, predictable and viable policies or
set of business rules.”
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